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第7节 第七章 论立法者 【
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文章摘要:第七章 论立法者 ,如应斯响男式还会,心得安龟缩输入密码。

为了找到能适合于各个民族的最好的社会规范,就需要有一种能够洞察人类的全部感情而又不受任何感情所支配的最高的智慧;它与我们人性毫无关系,但又能认识人性的深处;它自身的幸福虽与我们无关,然而它又很乐意关怀我们的幸福;最后,随时世的推移,它照顾到长远的光荣,能在这个世纪里工作,并在下个世纪里享受.要为人类制订法律,简直是需要神明.
   
    卡里古拉根据事实所做的推论,柏拉图则依据权利而在他的《政治篇》中以同样的推论对他所探求的政治人物或者作人君的人物做出了规定.但是,假使说一个伟大的国君真是一个罕见的人物,那么一个伟大的立法者又该如何呢?前者只不过是遵循着后者所规划的模型而已.一个是发明机器的工程师,另一个则是安装和开动机器的工匠.孟德斯鸠说过:"社会诞生时是共和国的首领在创立制度,此后便是由制度来塑造共和国的首领了."
   
    敢于为一国人民进行创制的人,......可以说......必须自己觉得有把握能够改变人性,能够把每个自身均是一个完整而孤立的整体的个人转化为一个更大的整体的一部分,这个个人就以一定的方式从整体里获得自己的生命和存在;能够改变人的素质,使之得以加强;能够以作为全体一部分的有道德的生命来替代我们人人得之于自然界的生理上的独立的生命.总之,必须抽掉人类本身固有的能耐,才能赋予他们以他们本身之外的.而且非靠别人帮助便无法运用的能耐.这些天然的能耐消灭得越多,则所获得的能耐也就越大.越持久,制度也就越巩固.越完美.从而每个公民若不靠他人,就会等于无物,也就一事无成;如果整体所获得的能耐等于或者优于全体个人的天然力量的总和,那么我们就可以说,立法已经达到了它可能达到的最完美程度了.
   
    立法者在一切方面都是国家中的一个非凡人物.如果说因为他的天才而应该如此的话,那么由于他的职务他也同样应该这样.这一职务决非行政,也决不是主权.这一职务缔造了共和国,但又决不在共和国的组织之内;它是一种独具的.超然的职能,与人间世界毫无共同之处;因为号令人的人如果不应当号令法律的话,那么号令法律的人也就更不应该号令人;否则,他的法律受到他的感情的支配,就只能经常地贯彻他自己的不公平,而他个人的意见之损害他自己的事业的神圣性,也就只能是永远不可避免.莱格古士为他的国家制订法律时,是先退位然后才着手的.大多数希腊城邦的习惯都是委托异邦人来制订本国的法律.近代意大利的共和国经常仿效这种做法;日内瓦共和国也是这样,而且结果很好.在罗马最辉煌的时期,就可以看到暴政的种种罪恶已经在它的内部复活,也可以看出它即将灭亡,因为立法权威与主权权力已经都结合在同样的人的身上了.
   
    然而十人会议本身却从没要求过只凭他们自身的权威,便有通过任何法律的权利.他们向人民说:"我们向你们建议的任何事情,不经你们的同意就决不能成为法律.罗马人啊,请你们自己制订将给你们造福的法律吧!"
   
    因此,编订法律的人便没有.而且也不应有任何的立法权利,而人民本身即便是愿意,也绝不能剥夺自己的这种不可转移的权利;因为按照根本公约,只有公意才能约束个人,而我们又没法确定个别意志是符合公意的,除非是已经举行过人民的自由投票.这一点我已经谈到了,但重复一遍并非无用.
  
    这样,人们就在立法工作中发现同时好象有两种不相容的东西:它既是一桩超乎人力之上的事业,而就其执行来说,却又是一种看不见的权威.
  
    这里另有一个值得注意的困难.智者们如想用自己的语言而不用俗人的语言来向俗人说法,那就不会为他们所理解.可是,有千百种观念是难以翻译成通俗语言的.极概括的观念与太遥远的目标,都是超乎人们的能力之外的;每人所喜欢的政府计划,总是与他自己的个别利益有关的计划,他们很难认识到自己可以从良好的法律要求他们所作的不断牺牲之中得到的好处.为新生的民族能够爱好健全的政治规范并遵循国家利益的根本规律,便必须倒果为因,使本来应该是制度的产物的社会精神转而凌驾于制度本身之上,而且使人们在法律出现之前,便可以成为本来应该是由于法律才能形成的那种样子.这样,立法者便既不能运用强力,也不能运用说理;因此就有必要求之于另一种不以暴力却能约束人.不以论证却能说服人的权威了.
   
    这就是在任何时代里迫使得各民族的父老们都去求助于上天的干涉,并以他们固有的智慧来敬仰神明的缘由了,为的就是要使人民遵守国家法也同遵守自然法一样,并且在认识到人的形成和城邦的形成是因为同一个权力的时候,使人民能够自由地服从并能够驯顺地承担起公共福利的羁轭.
   
    这种超乎凡人的能力之外的崇高的道理,也就是立法者之所以要把自己的决定托之于神道设教的道理,为的是好让神圣的权威来约束那些为人类的深谋远虑所无法感动的人们.但是并非人人都可以代神明说话,也不是当他自称是神明的代言人时,他便能为人们所相信.只有立法者的伟大的灵魂,才可足以证明自己使命的真正奇迹.人人都可以刻石立碑,或者贿买神谕,或者假托通灵,或专门训练一只小鸟向人耳边口吐神言,或者寻求其它的卑鄙手段来欺骗人民.专门搞这一套的人,甚至于也偶尔能纠集一群愚民;但是他却决不会建立起一个帝国,而他那种荒唐的行为很快地也就会随他本人一起破灭的.虚假的威望只会形成一种过眼烟云的影响,唯有智慧才能够使之持久不磨.那些迄今存在着的犹太法律,那些十个世纪以来统治半个世界的伊斯美子孙们的法律,迄今还在显示着制定了那些法律的人们的伟大;而且当傲慢的哲学与盲目的宗派精神只把这些人看成是侥幸的骗子时,真正的政治学家却会赞美他们制度中在主导着持久的功业的那种伟大而有力的天才.
   
    绝不可以从这一切里就得出跟华伯登一样的结论说,政治和宗教在人间有着共同的目的;而是必须说,在各个国家的起源时,是以宗教作为政治工具的.       
 

IN order to discover the rules of society best suited to nations, a superior intelligence beholding all the passions of men without experiencing any of them would be needed. This intelligence would have to be wholly unrelated to our nature, while knowing it through and through; its happiness would have to be independent of us, and yet ready to occupy itself with ours; and lastly, it would have, in the march of time, to look forward to a distant glory, and, working in one century, to be able to enjoy in the next.[11] It would take gods to give men laws.

What Caligula argued from the facts, Plato, in the dialogue called the Politicus, argued in defining the civil or kingly man, on the basis of
right. But if great princes are rare, how much more so are great legislators? The former have only to follow the pattern which the latter
have to lay down. The legislator is the engineer who invents the machine, the prince merely the mechanic who sets it up and makes it go.
"At the birth of societies," says Montesquieu, "the rulers of Republics establish institutions, and afterwards the institutions mould the rulers."[12]

He who dares to undertake the making of a people's institutions ought to feel himself capable, so to speak, of changing human nature, of
transforming each individual, who is by himself a complete and solitary whole, into part of a greater whole from which he in a manner receives
his life and being; of altering man's constitution for the purpose of strengthening it; and of substituting a partial and moral existence for the physical and independent existence nature has conferred on us all. He must, in a word, take away from man his own resources and give him instead new ones alien to him, and incapable of being made use of without the help of other men. The more completely these natural
resources are annihilated, the greater and the more lasting are those which he acquires, and the more stable and perfect the new institutions;
so that if each citizen is nothing and can do nothing without the rest, and the resources acquired by the whole are equal or superior to the aggregate of the resources of all the individuals, it may be said that legislation is at the highest possible point of perfection.

The legislator occupies in every respect an extraordinary position in the State. If he should do so by reason of his genius, he does so no
less by reason of his office, which is neither magistracy, nor Sovereignty. This office, which sets up the Republic, nowhere enters
into its constitution; it is an individual and superior function, which has nothing in common with human empire; for if he who holds command over men ought not to have command over the laws, he who has command over the laws ought not any more to have it over men; or else his laws
would be the ministers of his passions and would often merely serve to perpetuate his injustices: his private aims would inevitably mar the sanctity of his work.

When Lycurgus gave laws to his country, he began by resigning the throne. It was the custom of most Greek towns to entrust the establishment of their laws to foreigners. The Republics of modern Italy in many cases followed this example; Geneva did the same and profited by it.[13] Rome, when it was most prosperous, suffered a revival of all the crimes of tyranny, and was brought to the verge of destruction, because it put the legislative authority and the sovereign power into the same hands.

Nevertheless, the decemvirs themselves never claimed the right to pass any law merely on their own authority. "Nothing we propose to you," they said to the people, "can pass into law without your consent. Romans, be yourselves the authors of the laws which are to make you happy."

He, therefore, who draws up the laws has, or should have, no right of legislation, and the people cannot, even if it wishes, deprive itself of this incommunicable right, because, according to the fundamental compact, only the general will can bind the individuals, and there can
be no assurance that a particular will is in conformity with the general will, until it has been put to the free vote of the people. This I have said already; but it is worth while to repeat it.

Thus in the task of legislation we find together two things which appear to be incompatible: an enterprise too difficult for human powers, and,for its execution, an authority that is no authority.

There is a further difficulty that deserves attention. Wise men, if they try to speak their language to the common herd instead of its own, cannot possibly make themselves understood. There are a thousand kinds of ideas which it is impossible to translate into popular language.
Conceptions that are too general and objects that are too remote are equally out of its range: each individual, having no taste for any other plan of government than that which suits his particular interest, finds it difficult to realise the advantages he might hope to draw from the continual privations good laws impose. For a young people to be able to relish sound principles of political theory and follow the fundamental rules of statecraft, the effect would have to become the cause; the social spirit, which should be created by these institutions, would have
to preside over their very foundation; and men would have to be before law what they should become by means of law. The legislator therefore,
being unable to appeal to either force or reason, must have recourse to an authority of a different order, capable of constraining without violence and persuading without convincing.

This is what has, in all ages, compelled the fathers of nations to have recourse to divine intervention and credit the gods with their own
wisdom, in order that the peoples, submitting to the laws of the State as to those of nature, and recognising the same power in the formation of the city as in that of man, might obey freely, and bear with docility the yoke of the public happiness.

This sublime reason, far above the range of the common herd, is that whose decisions the legislator puts into the mouth of the immortals, in
order to constrain by divine authority those whom human prudence could not move.[14] But it is not anybody who can make the gods speak, or get himself believed when he proclaims himself their interpreter. The great soul of the legislator is the only miracle that can prove his mission.
Any man may grave tablets of stone, or buy an oracle, or feign secret intercourse with some divinity, or train a bird to whisper in his ear, or find other vulgar ways of imposing on the people. He whose knowledge goes no further may perhaps gather round him a band of fools; but he
will never found an empire, and his extravagances will quickly perish with him. Idle tricks form a passing tie; only wisdom can make it lasting. The Judaic law, which still subsists, and that of the child of Ishmael, which, for ten centuries, has ruled half the world, still proclaim the great men who laid them down; and, while the pride of philosophy or the blind spirit of faction sees in them no more than lucky impostures, the true political theorist admires, in the institutions they set up, the great and powerful genius which presides over things made to endure.

We should not, with Warburton, conclude from this that politics and religion have among us a common object, but that, in the first periods of nations, the one is used as an instrument for the other.
 



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